Thursday, January 30, 2020

The French Reign of Terror Essay Example for Free

The French Reign of Terror Essay As if the French Revolution were not enough, the French people having endured decades of irresponsible governing and political unrest were plunged into another nightmare of drastic proportion. Indeed, in today’s terms the French terror would be called an act of genocide. The Reign of Terror is synonymous with one man in particular: Maximilien Francois Marie Isidore Robespierre. Robespierre was born in Arras on 5 May 1758, to an advocate father but was brought up by relatives along with three siblings after the tragic death of his mother in 1767. Robespierre himself qualified as an advocate in 1781 and exhibiting profound oratory prowess he became a successful advocate. His fascination of social theory grew into a form of a hobby with his chief mentor being the French philosopher Jean Jaques Rousseau. Robespierre joined a group that became known as the Jacobin Club, of which he was nominated president. This group of intellectuals were often referred to as â€Å"The Incorruptibles† and along with Petion de Villeneuve, the two men became patriotic to the company of France. At this stage, war with Austria was imminent. In June of 1791 King Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette attempted to defect and Robespierre’s former support for the monarchy dwindled. The Duke of Brunswick made full use of this political unrest and together with Prussia and certain non-patriotic French threatened France with annihilation should anyone oppose his entry into France (Age of the Sage, 2008). The Reign of Terror lasted from September 1793-July 1974 and was largely due to the philosophical belief that the guillotine and execution, although terrible and extreme, was necessary for the building of a pure French nation. Rousseau, the philosopher held the belief that no man is inherently evil or born evil, but that society makes them evil. This gives rise however to old argument of whether the chicken or the egg came first. So an estimated 16 000 people between these dates were guillotine in an effort to purge the nation of the trouble makers and rabble of society from January. The corruption that settled into France after the execution of the monarchs, questioned whether or not the monarchy had been so bad after all, since the battles between Austria and France were not in Frances’ favour, those that appeared to be siding with the enemy were, of course disposed of by the Jacobin Assembly. The Committee of Public safety, of which Robespierre and his colleague Danton were influential, ruled France from January of 1793, but it was only in September that the mass executions began in earnest. The Assembly passed from Danton to Robespierre and the real collapse of Robespierres reign of terror came to an abrupt and grotesque end when he condemned his two friends Danton and Desmoulins ( The France of Victor Hugo). At this stage the obvious pressure of power and worse still of maintaining power had taken its toll on the diverse Robespierre. By some misfortune, he believed his own fellow comrades to be conspiring against him. This scenario is not unlike that of the German autocrat Adolph Hitler, whose mantra and volatile personality played out in a similar fashion. The connection is that they both were intent on ‘purging’ their countries and were staunch defenders of their nationality. The simple paranoia that had gripped Robespierre was defined by rumor alone, when it was heard that Danton had been taking bribes from officials and the monarchy, whether or not this was true is met with considerable skepticism. Desmoulin had the misfortune of having sided with Danton on a completely different subject altogether. The fact that he sided with Danton once must surely mean that he is acting in the same way as Danton and is therefore also not adverse to corruption. The cycle of paranoia is in the end the very rationale that sent Robespierre to his death on 28 July 1794 (Ibid. ). The rationale used by Robespierre was one of intense self-delusion. The only man to decide what was right and what was wrong, he allowed no other arguments to sway his opinion. With the death of his two friends, he had crossed the barrier between seeking what was good and right for the people and what satisfied himself. In modern terms he could be termed Narcissistic, a disorder associated with many of the modern autocrats including Adolph Hitler and Saddam Hussein. That there was something wrong with the ideology of purging the nation may not have been the chief problem, the problem was his meteoric and shadowed rise to power. At this stage some of the members of the Committee planned the coup of Robespierres power, fearing their own lives to be in danger. He was arrested the day before his execution, the Committee not leaving room for his defense or release (Ibid. ). But Robespierre did not go to the guillotine alone, nineteen followers were also sentenced, including Louis St Just and Georges Couthon (Age of the Sage, 2008) A moral question inevitably rears its head within the context of the story of Robespierre: at what stage does a good idea become a horribly bad one? At what stage does one the power of a group of people pass to one person, and why? Moral high-ground in this case argues that yes, society should be purged of those who corrupt it, but who is granted the soul power with which to judge these people? In addition to this is the philosophical question Robespierre himself might have asked: what are the just deserts? Just deserts, contemplated by the ancient philosophers such as Socrates, Plato and Aristotle would say that to each person should be given the penalty they deserve for the crime they committed. A person convicted of treason of felony, would be measured not in the same way as one convicted for murder. This would not give Robespierre or his compatriots grounds by which to execute those who have not committed murder, or those who cannot be tried beyond reasonable doubt for what they have allegedly done. This was Robespierres prime downfall. But Robespierre was not alone in his plight to rid France of the corrupt. He numbered about 19 supporters close to him. Along with Danton and Desmoulins was also the likes of Marat and the upstart St Just and Couthon. St Just and Couthon were bothe guillotined with Robespierre on that fateful July day. Robespierre is quoted as having said in a proposal to the deputation at Aisne, In the situation in which it now is, gangrened by corruption, and without power to remedy it, the Convention can no longer save the republic; both will perish together. (Morris, 2007). Jean Paul Marat, a Swiss born doctor, died not long after the start of the Reign of Terror, when he was assassinated by Charlotte Corday in his apartment. Marat had suffered a debilitating skin disease contracted from hiding out in sewers after the execution of the monarchy. Because he opposed the trial and guillotining of his king and queen, he was hated by the ruling party of the parliament at the time, the Girondins and had been on the run since his outspokenness regarding the lack of justice in the parliament. The Jacobin Club of course welcomed him whole-heartedly as an alliance, but after his tragic stabbing, the leading forces of the Committee began to weaken. With Danton and Robespierre now the main voices for the cause it was not long before the rot would set in (NNDB, 2008). Jean Jacques Danton had also opposed the trial of the king and had also pleaded for the release of his friend Marat, long before the execution of the monarch’s occurred. Although he was allied to Robespierre, he did not consider him to be terribly bright, yet saw him in this manner as a good scapegoat in the face of the new decision to purge France. To Danton’s demise, Robespierre had his moment of revenge when he ordered Danton’s execution. But Danton died with one phrase that would soon prove to be right, I leave it all in a frightful welter, he said; not a man of them has an idea of government. Robespierre will follow me; he is dragged down by me. Ah, better be a poor fisherman than meddle with the government of men! (NNDB, 2008). Camille Desmoulins and his wife Lucille were both executed by the maniacal Robespierre along with Danton. He was a writer and as a result had great power to boost or shatter any government or parliament. More a friend of St Just than Robespierre, he was accepted into the fold of Jacobin Assemblies and continued to write in favour of the purge of France. Also a fan of Jean Jaques Rousseau, Desmoulins used Rousseau’s statement â€Å"burning is not answering†, to the indignant Robespierre on the day he ordered the burning of Desmoulins Vieux Cordelier. At this stage both St Just and Robespierre were becoming too fundamentalist about their pursuits, using unnecessary means to order the execution of civilians on a whim rather than because they had grievously damaged the Assembly (NNDB, 2008). Memoirs written in a dissertation called Memoirs From Beyond The Grave, by Francois-Rene de Chateaubriand recalls the life of a noble man returning to Paris after the revolution. The excerpt it cutting and altogether rather frank in its description of the Paris under Terror. â€Å"In 1792, when I returned to Paris, it no longer exhibited the same appearance as in 1789 and 1790. It was no longer the new-born Revolution, but a people intoxicated, rushing on to fulfil its destiny across abysses and by devious ways. The appearance of the people was no longer curious and eager, but threatening. The kings flight on June 21, 1791, gave an immense impulse to the Revolution. Having been brought back to Paris on June 25, he was dethroned for the first time, in consequence of the declaration of the National Assembly that all its decrees should have the force of law, without the kings concurrence or assent. I visited several of the Clubs. The scenes at the Cordeliers, at which I was three or four times present, were ruled and presided over by Dantona Hun, with the nature of a Goth. Faithful to my instincts, I had returned from America to offer my sword to Louis XVI. , not to involve myself in party intrigues. I therefore decided to emigrate. Brussels was the headquarters of the most distinguished emigres. There I found my trifling baggage, which had arrived before me. The coxcomb emigres were hateful to me. I was eager to see those like myself, with 600 livres income. My brother remained at Brussels as an aide-de-camp to the Baron de Montboissier. I set out alone for Coblentz, went up the Rhine to that city, but the royal army was not there. Passing on, I fell in with the Prussian army between Coblentz and Treves. My white uniform caught the kings eye. He sent for me; he and the Duke of Brunswick took off their hats, and in my person saluted the old French army†(De Chateaubriand, 1802). In his memoirs, the division in France was obvious, and was not to die even in the writings observed by the writer Alexandre Dumas, whose book The Three Musketeers, bravely holds to the army of the king. The state of France was not only thwarted by impending attacks of Austrian and Prussian power but also threatened by the Terror from within its country, which had originally formed in order to prevent the breaking up of the unity France had tried to maintain. Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac remembers the succession of the Robespierre Triumverate and the request to disband the law of violence as a means to control and prevent further deterioration of the already fragile climate. De Vieuzac had been a member of the Committee and Constituent Assembly: â€Å"As for the Committee of Public Safety, they stated that they had played no role in the matter, and disowned the law completely. Everyone agreed that it would be revoked the next day. After this decision, Robespierre and Saint-Just stated that they would put the matter before the public. They stated that it was perfectly clear that a party had been created to ensure immunity for the enemies of the people and that in this way, Libertys most ardent friends would be lost. But, they said, they would know how to protect the good citizens against the combined maneuvering of the two governmental committees. They departed, threatening members of the committee, including Carnot, among others, whom Saint-Just called an aristocrat and threatened to denounce to the Assembly. It was like a declaration of war between the two committees and the triumvirate. †(De Vieuzac, 1842: 205-206). Another memoir that relates the opposite side of the field are from the Nationalist movement, those opposing Robespierre. Marthurin de Lescure recalls how he stood up against the Triumverate and by some miracle was not executed for his beliefs. His prime argument was that a man cannot be persecuted on the grounds of hi opinion. He remembers the idea of persecution of civilians and parliamentarians simply because their opinion differed from that of Danton and Robespierre: â€Å"Bentabolles proposition requesting a report on my motion was rightfully argued against, since the freedom of opinion is the right of a representative of the people, and that without this freedom, the entire State would be oppressed. Also, far from wanting either a report or a decree on this matter, I proposed that only those who were against this sacred right receive a punishment. In addition, Bentabolles language made it clear how the Montagnards judged the silence of their colleagues on their right. They called them the weak beings, a name which, if they were right, was a serious charge against us, since we were sent by the Nation to uphold its interests. To neglect those interests, or sacrifice them through weakness, would have been a real failure to do our duty. But we only had the appearance of weakness, because, not being able to fight the follies of the Mountain under pain of death, our inertia was but a great strength. We preferred the dangers, the disrespect, the humiliations with which we were bombarded, than giving in to being accomplices of the Mountain for our own safety. Nothing was easier for us than to line up in the reassuring ranks of our dominators. But the price to pay for this peace was worse than death. . . . There was, in the space that separated the Right from the Mountain, a spot in the hall that was called the stomach. Those that sat there were not of the Right, they did not share in our humiliations, but neither did they have the courage to disprove the evil done by the left side by sitting so close. They had nonetheless the silly pride to call themselves wiser that those on their right, even though they were less courageous, and alone deserved the name â€Å"weak beings. †Ã¢â‚¬ (de Lescure, 1881: 410-413). I the end, Robespierre had his day, and it was an entirely necessary part of the French history from the point of view that it draws attention to the dangers of radicalism. It draws the realization that power is both fixating and damaging. Robespierre has unfortunately been reincarnated in the form of Adolph Hitler, Josef Stalin and Saddam Hussein and in time has become the most hated and strangely respected man in French history. The French Terror lasted a maximum of 15 months but killed more than 16 000 people in a vain attempt to rid society of corruption. It is not unlike the ideas of the ancient philosophers, but it has to be remembered that what works in theory may not work in reality. Sources: Bertrand Barere de Vieuzac, Memoires de B. Barere, membre de la constituante, de la Convention, du Comite de Salut public, et de la Chambre des representants, vol. 2 (Paris: J. Labitte, 1842), 205–6. Translated by Exploring the French Revolution project staff from original documents in French found in John Hardman, French Revolution Documents 1792–95, vol. 2 (New York: Barnes Noble Books, 1973), 250. â€Å"Camille Desmoulins†, â€Å"Georges Jacques Danton† and â€Å"Jean Paul Marat†. 2008. NNDB. Accessed: 11 February 2008. (http://www. nndb. com/people/480/000097189/)(http://www. nndb. com/people/658/000092382/ ) (http://www. nndb. com/people/630/000092354/)

Wednesday, January 22, 2020

Paths of Glory, by Stanley Kubrick Essay -- Papers Film Cinematography

Paths of Glory, by Stanley Kubrick The movie Paths of Glory, directed by Stanley Kubrick, dealt with the harsh conditions in the trenches during WWI. In the movie several fighters were persecuted for pulling back during an impossible attack. The movie tactfully questioned the authority of superior officers. The way the hierarchy in the army is depicted in the film made me question the integrity of the unit. I was perplexed by the concept that one person could have so much power over another. The movie diplomatically handled the plot by showing different aspects of an officer’s life. One of the aspects of the movie which brought to life the emotional trauma of the war was the use of music and instruments. The very beginning of the movie was filled with the use of drums. This symbolized the terror and complexity of the subject matter. It did this through the deep and vibrant sounds; the deep sounds depicted the feelings of the soldiers as they were confused as to what to do in the situation they faced. They had to move b...

Tuesday, January 14, 2020

Gun Control Research Paper Essay

When you hear about all of the tragedies that have occurred over the last few years relating gun violence one of the first things that come to mind is how they can be prevented. Gun regulations could limit the number of shootings and gun related deaths in the United States. If we take guns off the streets to obvious result would be a decline the average number of deaths caused by shootings in the United States per year. This is a serious problem that is the logical thing to do in order to save countless innocent lives each year. Reducing guns sold to people with criminal records, mental illnesses or to people where it is a safety hazard are the steps that need to be taken in gun regulation. The United States has the highest gun ownership rate in the world in small arms the ones that are most common kind found in the hand of a civilian. Extremely important people in our nation’s history were killed by a civilian with a gun. Presidents John F. Kennedy, Abraham Lincoln also Martin Luther King Jr. were assassinated (Doeden 26). The people who committed these offences were seemingly normal everyday people like you and me but the lack of laws and restrictions regarding background checks allow these criminals or the mentally unstable to acquire deadly weapons and cause mass unnecessary death. Gun control has been a political idea since the signing of our constitution. Only a few years after our nation was born New York politician, Rufus King, said â€Å"That it was dangerous to put arms into the hands of the frontier people for their defense, lest they should use them against the United States† (qtd. in Doeden 17). The political, ethnical and constitutional debat es of gun control have been going on for over two hundred years. The situation has not become any more resolved over that time because the debates continue to this day. There is a clear relation to gun control and safety of our friends and family. The lack of strong gun regulation laws in the United States  endangers the safety of innocent citizens. In December of 2012 a lone gunman went on a shooting rampage and killed 20 first graders and six staff members of a Sandy Hook elementary school in Newtown Connecticut. The gunman was armed with two semi-automatic hand guns and an assault rifle (Bagne). In the weeks after gun sales spiked which is not the result that was expected and holds a problem in its self. The way to maintain safety in and around our neighborhood is not to have everyone stockpile guns. If this is the mindset of the American people then something needs to be done. Gun restrictions will allow people to go through their everyday lives with a priceless feeling of safety for them and their family. The necessity of caution when someone wants to acquire and firearm is immense. If there is no gun sold into a potentially life threatening situation such as a home with many children or with someone who has a history of violent acts then the chance of an incident involving a firearm is severely reduced. In order to reduce armed crime in the United States we must apply more powerful gun control regulations. Vice president Joe Biden is one of the most involved and dedicated politicians on the gun control issue. He is trying to reduce armed violence by creating a strict background check policy for anyone trying to purchase or register a gun .The objective of Biden’s campaign is to reduce the risks that are associated with a criminal being able to purchase a firearm with intent to use the weapon unlawfully. In the last year after the Newtown Connecticut shootings there have been more than 5,200 people killed with a gun in the United States (Feldmann). Mass gun related deaths in the United States unfortunately are not an uncommon occurrence. â€Å"In October 2002, John Allen Muhammad and Lee Boyd Malvo used a Bushmaster assault rifle in a three weak sniping spree to murder ten people and injure three others in Washington D.C, Maryland and Virginia†(Carter). The point made in the article was that if gun restrictions and regulations were tighter there may have been a chance that the police would have been able to identify the shooters much sooner if they were able to match the bullet casing to the gun and its owners. The situation of armed crime has only gotten worse over the decade since this tragedy and as of right now there is no sign of improvement on the gun control policies in the United States. The occurrences of mass shootings in the United States in many cases can be related to the mental health of the people who were able to obtain and use these weapons. The Sandy Hook massacre was because a man who was mentally unstable was able to take his mother’s weapons shoots her then proceeds on the elementary school where he killed the innocent children and teachers (Bagne). Laws need to be put in place in order to protect our nation from tragedies like this. If there are regulations prevention the purchase of a gun in a home where there is someone who is not mentally stable and can access the guns. An alternate relation between and mental stability comes from the aftermath. After Sandy Hook many counselors were sent to schools around the country to try and allow students to cope with what had recently happened in Connecticut. Regardless if the students were at Sandy Hook or not there were people who suffered and were traumatized by this event. Gun regulations need to be put in place to prevent guns reaching the hands of people who are mentally unstable and to prevent mass shootings in order to preserve the innocence of the next generation. Gun regulations have become a very controversial issue over the years, but the amount of preventable and unnecessary death in the United States should be enough to force congress into passing laws on this issue. The rise in armed crime, the safety of our citizens’ minds and bodies should be a top priority. The only way to eliminate these factors is to reduce the amount of guns in the hands of people who should not be handling them. Works Cited Bagne, Mary. â€Å"Sandy Hook Elementary School Shooting (2012).† Issues: Understanding Controversy and Society 2013: n. pag. ABC-CLIO. Web. 17 Oct. 2013. Carter, Gregg L. â€Å"Washington D.C. Sniper Case (2002).† 2013: n. pag. ABC-CLIO. Web. 17 Oct. 2013. Doeden, Matt. Gun Control: Preventing Violence or Crushing Constitutional Rights? Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century, 2012. Print. Feldmann, Linda. â€Å"Gun Control: Why Vice President Biden Is Trying Again.† The Christian Science Monitor 18 June 2013: n. pag. Print.

Monday, January 6, 2020

Business law Free Essay Example, 1500 words

However, the example relating to the case of Salomon v A Salomon & Co Ltd [1897] AC 22, which has been discussed above, may illustrate a clear idea about the notion of veil in operation. According to my opinion, the outcome of the case is not fair enough, because the acting of the company as a separate lawful body has deprived the creditors and the preference shareholders from obtaining their desired amount or share from the company. A company is not a living entity and therefore should not be made responsible for repaying the debts to the creditors. Rather, Salomon should be held responsible for repaying the debts. However, arguments also arise to the fact that if Salomon would be made responsible to pay off the desired amounts to the creditors and the preference shareholders, he had to use his personal assets for the purpose that might lead towards insolvency (LLRX, 2015). Lifting the ‘Veil of Incorporation’ Meaning of the Practical Terms In certain cases, it can be found that a veil is created over the personality of a company and this restricts the court to ascertain actual scenarios. We will write a custom essay sample on Business law or any topic specifically for you Only $17.96 $11.86/pageorder now With this concern, the term ‘draw aside the veil’ refers to the decision of the courts concerning lifting the veil with due regards to the underlying circumstances. On the other hand, the term ‘often do’ refers to the courts’ decision whether to â€Å"draw aside the veil† or â€Å"pull off the mask† (ACCA, 2015). These terms can be related to the case of Littlewoods Mail Order Stores Ltd. v. IRC. In this regard, based on the viewpoints of Lord Denning, the corporation i. e. Littlewoods Mail Order Stores Ltd. cannot entirely cast a veil, as it is involved in defeating public convenience and also justifying the conduct of any sort of wrongdoing. In this circumstance, the courts may pull off the mask and likely to observe the conditions underlying behind fulfilling the same (Blackwell’s, 2014). Circumstances under Which the Law Will Lift the Veil There are certain circumstances under which the law lifts up the veil. One of such circumstances can be ascertained as during the act of any fraudulent activity or wrong doing by the companies. Moreover, in case of group enterprises, the principle of ‘veil of incorporation’ may not be adhered and considering the economic realities, the court may adopt the decision to lift the veil. If the company is considered as the agent of proprietor or if war exists between the countries, the court will lift the veil considering the situation (Common Law Society, 2015).